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Transcript
ANALYSIS: ATTACKS OF SEPTEMBER 11TH CONSIDERED TO BE
POSSIBLE ATTACKS ON GLOBALIZATION
December 14, 2001 on National Public Radio's All Things Considered

LINDA WERTHEIMER, host: Many Europeans died in the attacks of September 11th.
In total, citizens of 86 nations were killed, according to Attorney General John
Ashcroft. The World Trade Center was perhaps the world's most visible symbol of
the connectedness of the global economy and of globalization. Many specialists
believe the attacks of September 11th were in some sense an attack on
globalization and could very well slow down the process of integrating the
global economy. NPR's Mike Shuster has a report.
MIKE SHUSTER reporting:
Last month, an Arab columnist contributing to the Web site Islam Online from the
Persian Gulf state of Qatar wrote, `Globalization is a cheap, artificially
intelligent form of occupation; and if, by some misfortune, someone decides to
stand up to this bloodless globalized occupation, the haves have an alternative
to deal with these uncivilized, ungrateful beasts. It's called global
bombazation(ph).' Strobe Talbott, former deputy secretary of state, now director
of the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization, says feelings like this run
deep in some parts of the world and provide a backdrop for the attacks of
September 11th.
Mr. STROBE TALBOTT (Director, Yale Center for the Study of Globalization): We're
moving into an era when the great divide, in some ways, is going to be between
those who feel like winners in and of the process of globalization and those who
feel like losers. And I think that people like Osama bin Laden and forces like
al-Qaeda play upon the frustrations and the resentments of those who feel like
losers in the process.
SHUSTER: Opposition to globalization is nothing
new. It has existed around the world and within the United States for several
years. Many governments continue to resist opening up their societies to free
trade, to the Internet and to the infusion of American and Western cultural
products that have flooded much of the world.
Why nations resist globalization is complex. In some, undemocratic governments
fear economic openness will lead to a political challenge to their authority. In
others, the opposition comes from civil society when ostentatious consumption
and extreme poverty live side by side, breeding explosive discontent. In still
others, the sexual content of American movies and music challenges notions about
the role of women in traditional societies.
Saudi Arabia is one of the most resistant nations,
combining all these factors. Saudi society created Osama bin Laden and most of
the participants in the September 11th attacks. Thomas Barnett, a professor at
the Naval War College in Rhode Island, agrees that the battle over globalization
is emerging as the great geopolitical division of the near future, much as the
communist-capitalist schism dominated world affairs for most of the 20th
century.
Professor THOMAS BARNETT (Naval War College): If you
look around the world and you ask yourself, `Who's doing OK with globalization?'
meaning they're not fighting to keep globalization out. It doesn't mean they're
not having a hard time dealing with the social and economic and political
ramifications of it. But if they're not fighting to keep globalization out, I
think that part of the world should not be considered a potential enemy.
SHUSTER: Now in the aftermath of September 11th,
Barnett argues, the United States may begin to identify its potential enemies by
their resistance to globalization.
Prof. BARNETT: There is a big chunk of the
world, in effect, being concentrated around the Middle East where there is a lot
of fear and dread with regard to growing connectivity and the kind of cultural
content that comes with it. That part of the world is where I think you find the
ideologies of the strongest sort that not only fear globalization but want to
reject it.
SHUSTER: Although Osama bin Laden has employed vague language to outline his
political goals, they are usually understood to include the toppling of
governments in Saudi Arabia and Egypt which he views as corrupt puppets of the
United States. He has often demanded the withdrawal of American military forces
from the Persian Gulf and from Saudi Arabia in particular. And, more broadly, he
has expressed the desire to cleanse Muslim societies of American and Western
cultural and economic influences. These broader goals are certainly linked to
the globalizing trends of recent years, and it is for this reason that some
analysts describe bin Laden and his sympathizers as the most extreme wing of the
anti-globalization movement.
President Bush and the top people in his administration insist the terrorists
will not achieve their goals. But Robert Reich, former secretary of Labor, now a
professor at Brandeis University, fears that globalization is already under
threat as a result of the September 11th attacks.
Professor ROBERT REICH (Brandeis University): Wittingly or unwittingly, it is
very possible that what happened on September 11th may cause the United States
to retreat somewhat from globalization.
SHUSTER: What happened on September 11th has certainly caused some of
globalization's advocates to begin reconsidering its effects in some parts of
the world. Its most fervent adherents--President Clinton was perhaps the most
passionate--believe that in the long run globalization is the only force that
will lift all nations and societies. But many now concede the process in the
1990s was excessive--that it went too far too fast. Jeffrey Garten, former
undersecretary of Commerce, now dean of the Yale School of Management, says
September 11th changed the entire framework for globalization.
Mr. JEFFREY GARTEN (Dean, Yale School of Management): There was an underlying
mind-set that globalization really translated into more openness in the world
economy: the lowering of trade barriers, expansion of deregulation everywhere, a
decline in the role of the state, a vast increase in the power of free markets.
And I think a lot of that now has to be re-examined because fundamentally the
role of government is coming back very strong.
SHUSTER: Garten cites many examples of this since September 11th: the closer
monitoring of financial flows and tougher laws against money laundering; a more
cautious approach to immigration; tighter customs controls; more monitoring of
international airline travel; more controls on the flow of information in
cyberspace. Garten believes greater government regulation of international trade
is coming, especially in high technology and in food, which could be used as a
target of biological or chemical attack. Robert Reich agrees.
Prof. REICH: All of that makes it more difficult to be part of a world trading
system. American companies that, because of just-in-time inventories, had
outsourced a lot of their production to the rest of the world now find that they
can't get reliable deliveries because there are so many inspections at the
borders of cargoes. They are outsourcing to American firms here in the United
States. That means less global trade, less global integration.
SHUSTER: In the aftermath of September 11th, there's a growing sense in the
United States of the dangers that come with globalization and a newfound focus
on protection, says Jeffrey Garten.
Mr. GARTEN: In the '90s, the watchword was `opportunity.' How do we open up new
opportunities for producers and consumers around the world? Now the watchword is
`vulnerability.' How do we protect ourselves against this global open society
where virtually anything can be transmitted, both good and bad, very, very
quickly.
SHUSTER: This shift in attitude is dramatic and could very well contribute to a
global economic slowdown, but the repercussions could go beyond the economic.
The costs of American homeland defense will be large. In the current context of
recession and renewed federal budget deficits, those costs could encroach on
other priority spending areas. If there are more terrorist attacks with mass
casualties, Americans, some analysts worry, may come to see the US economic and
military presence around the world as too much of a liability. Given hard
choices, Americans could say, `Let's spend on homeland defense and bring the
American military back to defend the local, not distant, shores.' Strobe Talbott
believes that would be disastrous.
Mr. TALBOTT: The danger is real, and the consequences of that danger coming
about would be vast. We would, in effect, be abandoning the field
internationally to our enemies; and not only would our interests suffer, but so
would the many people caught in between. It would include a lot of our friends
and allies.
SHUSTER: All of the experts interviewed for this report do not favor such an
outcome, but they do express concerns that such an outcome is possible. They
agree, though, that the world changed on September 11th not just for the United
States but for the integration of the global economy as well. Mike Shuster, NPR
News, Los Angeles.
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