Donald
Rumsfeld: Old Man in a Hurry (The inside story of how
Donald H. Rumsfeld transformed the Pentagon, in which we learn
about wire-brushing, deep diving, and a secret society called
the Slurg)
Esquire July 2005
THE SECRETARY OF
DEFENSE'S suite of offices in the Pentagon is on the third deck,
outermost, or E-ring of the five-sided building, in the wedge
between corridors eight and nine. It's one of the older wedges,
on the far side of where the new ones are to be found or are
being renovated, and on the opposite side of the building, one
thousand feet away, from the section that was destroyed on
September 11, 2001 ...
Esquire's
"The Sound and the Fury" (This Month, Extra Fury!)
letters to the editor
Dear Mr. President, Here's How to Make Sense of
Your Second Term, Secure Your Legacy, and, oh yeah, Create a Future
Worth Living
Esquire February 2005
So you say you have no concern for your legacy. That some
historian eighty years from now will figure out if you were a good
president or not. Fair enough, but let's review so far. Your big-bang
strategy to reform the Middle East took down Saddam, which was good;
you've completely screwed up the Iraq occupation, which is bad; and now
you don't seem to know exactly where you're going, which is not so
great. This brings me to the bad news. The two players with the greatest
potential for hog-tying your second term and derailing your big-bang
strategy don't even live in the Middle East. Instead, they're located on
little islands of unreality much like Washington, D.C.: Taiwan and North
Korea.
Esquire's "The
Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor
The New Magnum Force: What Dirty Harry can teach
the new Geneva conventions
Wired, February 2005
Ass kickers.
Rule breakers. Lone riders. The United States may be founded on
individual rights and the rule of law, but Americans love Dirty Harry
and his literary and cinematic brethren. These hard-nosed heroes
dispatch evildoers without remorse, going outside the law when
necessary. The Man With No Name doesn't explain, he simply acts.
"The Pentagon's Debate Over What Iraq Means"
The Command Post, 22
January 2005
We've been linking to the work
of Tom Barnett for some time, including his two Esquire articles, "The
Pentagon's New Map" and "Mr. President, Here's How To Make Sense Of Our
Iraq Strategy," and just yesterday, the CSPAN stream of his famous
Defense Dept. brief on a grand military strategy for the United States.
He's a heavy hitter. And here's the really great part: Tom has agreed
to author an exclusive perspective piece for the Command Post's Op/Ed
page, which you may find below. We're thrilled to have his contribution,
and we hope you find the content enjoyable and provocative. --The
Command Post
Not in America's Image
Baltimore Sun, 3 January
2005
Here's the good news: Within 10 years, no one on the
planet will confuse globalization with Americanization. That's because
several new superpowers are rising across the landscape, offering
distinctively different faces to the often-demonized globalization
process. Here's a quick preview.
Commission On Review Of Overseas Military Facility
Structure Of The United States
(pdf)
[blog entry here]
Testimony delivered at Public Meeting
held on 9 November 2004, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Washington DC
"First, let me thank the Commission on
Overseas Basing for inviting me to testify here today. Second, let me
emphasize right from the start that I'm not an expert per se on the U.S.
military's global basing structure. I am essentially a grand strategist
who spends his time contemplating the long-term objectives of U.S.
foreign policy with a particular focus on how the employment of military
force around the world can bring about not just increased security for
our country, but improve the global security environment as a whole. I
have written extensively on this subject, and I know that it is
primarily on the basis of my recent book, The Pentagon's New Map,
that I was asked to testify today, so many of my comments here will
involve describing how I think this new map informs future planning for
U.S. overseas basing realignment ..."
Does the U.S. Face a Future of Never-ending
Subnational & Transnational Violence?
Conference Paper: National
Intelligence Council 2020 Project (May 2004)
The short answer is yes. But the more important answers are
that: 1) This future is worth pursuing because it represents genuine
historical progress in the de-escalation of mass violence; 2) This
problem-set is boundable and easily described as a grand historical arc
of ever-retreating resistance to the spread of the global economy; and
3) The sequencing of the regional tasks involved is of our own choosing.
Gaming War in the Context of Everything Else
Fire and Movement, Issue
134 (2004)
Thomas P.M. Barnett wrote an article for Esquire
magazine last year entitled "The Pentagon's New Map," in which he
described what he believes is the new security environment that the U.S.
finds itself in today. His recent book of the same title more deeply
explores his thoughts on the matter. I asked Prof. Barnett what he
thought the role of the commercial board wargame industry might be in
the new world war in which we find ourselves. His response is included
in this issue. It's definitely worth a close read.
Adam B. Ulam, Understanding the Cold
War: A Historian's Personal Reflections, reviewed by Thomas P.M.
Barnett, U.S. Naval War College
Journal of Cold War Studies,
Summer 2004
There is only one really legitimate measure of an
autobiography, and that is its ability to bring the author to life for
the reader, giving a sense of who the person was and what it must have
been like to have known him or her. On that score, Adam Ulam's
"personal reflections" succeed on every level.
Mr. President, Here's How To Make Sense Of Our
Iraq Strategy
Esquire, June 2004
One of the architects of the Pentagon’s New Map of the world
offers a most important guide to a) why the boys will never be coming
home and b) why this is the first step toward a world without war.
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury"
letters to the editor (Sept)
Esquire's "The
Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor (Aug)
The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the
Twenty-First Century
(New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2004)
A groundbreaking
reexamination of U.S. and global security, certain to be one of the most
talked about books of the year.
Since the end of the Cold War, America's national security
establishment has been searching for a new operating theory to explain
how this seemingly "chaotic" world actually works. Gone is the clash of
blocs, but replaced by what?
Thomas Barnett has the answers. A senior military analyst with the
U.S. Naval War College, he has given a constant stream of briefings over
the past few years, and particularly since 9/11, to the highest of
high-level civilian and military policymakers-and now he gives it to
you. The Pentagon's New Map is a cutting-edge approach to globalization
that combines security, economic, political, and cultural factors to do
no less than predict and explain the nature of war and peace in the
twenty-first century.
Building on the works of Friedman, Huntington, and Fukuyama, and then
taking a leap beyond, Barnett crystallizes recent American military
history and strategy, sets the parameters for where our forces will
likely be headed in the future, outlines the unique role that America
can and will play in establishing international stability-and provides
much-needed hope at a crucial yet uncertain time in world history.
For anyone seeking to understand the Iraqs, Afghanistans, and
Liberias of the present and future, the intimate new links between
foreign policy and national security, and the operational realities of
the world as it exists today, The Pentagon's New Map is a template, a
Rosetta stone. Agree with it, disagree with it, argue with it-there is
no book more essential for 2004 and beyond.
Targeting Terrorism
Forget Europe. How About These Allies?
The Washington Post, April 11, 2004
Terrorists buy a national
election in Spain for the price of 10 backpack bombs and remove a
"crucial" pillar of the Western coalition in Iraq. Predictably, op-ed
columnists and talking heads raise the cry for the Bush administration
to "save the Western alliance." This is a knee-jerk response that
reflects historical habit more than strategic logic.
System Perturbation: Conflict in the Age of
Globalization
With Bradd C. Hayes in Raymond W.
Westphal Jr, ed, War and Virtual War: The Challenges to Communities
(Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2003), pp. 5-18.
Aperiodically, the international system reorders
itself — normally in the aftermath of a major conflict. This reordering
is accompanied by the implementation of new rule sets in an attempt to
firewall states from the causes of the conflict. Policymakers have
openly enquired whether the end of the Cold War and the birth of the
information age require a new firebreak and the implementation of a new
set of rules. Because "great power war" has been the proximate cause of
past restructuring, great power war has been the ordering the principle
for international (and national) rules and institutions. Recent events
(from so-called the Asian Economic Flu, to the Mexican peso crisis, to
the Love Bug computer virus, to the heinous events of 11 September 2001)
indicate that a new ordering principle is required (one in which great
power war is but one possible outcome).
The Global Transaction Strategy
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Military Officer, May 2003
Operation Iraqi Freedom could be a first step toward a larger
goal: true globalization.
No Retaliation at Home
Mary Suh, editor, of Week-in-Review expert
roundtable "Strategy, With the Benefit of Hindsight"
New York Times, 30 March 2003
Given all the months of planning for — and talking about — the
war in Iraq, it appeared that every possible contingency had been
accounted for, if not by the military itself, then by the platoon of
retired officers that seems to populate television news. But as with
everything else, there is no substitute for hindsight. The Week in
Review asked several prominent experts on war and on Iraq to explain
what has surprised them, or not, about the war thus far.
The Pentagon's New Map
(Russian translation)
(German
translation) Esquire, March 2003
Since the end of the cold war, the United States has been trying
to come up with an operating theory of the world--and a military
strategy to accompany it. Now there's a leading contender. It involves
identifying the problem parts of the world and aggressively shrinking
them. Since September 11, 2001, the author, a professor of warfare
analysis, has been advising the Office of the Secretary of Defense and
giving this briefing continually at the Pentagon and in the intelligence
community. Now he gives it to you.
Esquire's
"The Sound and the Fury" letters to the
editor (June)
Esquire's
"The Sound and the Fury" letters to the
editor (May)
The American Way of War
WITH ARTHUR K. CEBROWSKI
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], January 2003
The ultimate attribute of the
emerging American Way of War is the superempowerment of the war fighter--whether
on the ground, in the air, or at sea.
Asia's Energy Future: The Military-Market Link
In Sam J. Tangredi, ed,
Globalization and Maritime Power (National Defense University Press,
2003)
Continuing the “Economic Issues and Maritime Strategy” part,
chapter 10 returns to the question of the economic impact (and
necessity) of naval forward presence in a region of current concern,
Asia-Pacific. The 2001 DOD Quadrennial Defense Review Report identifies
a policy shift in American defense policy, from a Eurocentric focus to
increased emphasis on potential security threats in Asia-Pacific.
Chapter 10 explains the need for such a shift through its examination of
the energy needs of the existing and emerging Asian economic
powers—notably China. According to forecasts, perhaps more than 50
percent of Mideast oil production will be directed to the Asia-Pacific
region, much of it traveling by tankers through such chokepoints as the
Strait of Hormuz (between Iran and Oman) and the Strait of Malacca
(between Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore). This and the
potential for interstate and intrastate conflict in an “arc of crises”
running from the Middle East to Northwest Asia suggest a continuing and
increasing role for the U.S. Navy—the world’s last global navy—and the
U.S. Marine Corps and other maritime forces in maintaining the peace and
stability if that region is to share in the benefits of economic
globalization.
The 'Core' and 'Gap'
The Providence Journal, 7
November 2002
Defining
rules in a dangerous world.
Asia: The Military-Market Link
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], January 2002
China could
be the world's largest auto market by 2020, increasing its oil needs by
40%. The Pentagon and Wall Street must understand their
interrelationship: economic and political stability are crucial to
reducing energy market risk.
Globalization Gets A Bodyguard
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], November 2001
Definitions of U.S. national
security never will be the same after 11 September 2001. Americans now
have a costly bodyguard in the form of a Homeland Security Council which
could impact globalization on many fronts.
Globalization is Tested
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], October 2001
Special: In Response to the Terrorist Attacks
Freedom Isn't Free.
India's 12 Steps to a World-Class Navy
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], July 2001
The International Fleet Review in February showed off its
impressive fleet;
now the Indian Navy must determine how it wants to use it.
Top Ten Post-Cold War Myths
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute],
February 2001
As a mobile, sea-based containment force, the U.S. Navy will
continue to play an important role in the nation's foreign policy, but
its missions will mirror the clustered responses in Iraq and Yugoslavia,
not the obsolete two-major-theater-war standard.
Force Structure Will Change
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], October 2000
Each service stands to win--or
lose--depending on what national security visions the new administration
embraces. System visions favor air forces; nation-state visions favor
naval forces; subnational visions favor ground forces.
Life After DODth or: How the Evernet
Changes Everything
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute],
May 2000
The relevance of DoD has declined
steadily since the end of the Cold War. Coming to grips with its passing
won't be easy, but the Navy is working through the five stages of grief
and toward a future in cyberspace.
The Seven Deadly Sins of Network-Centric
Warfare
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], January 2000
They are not mortal sins; penance can be made.
It's Going to Be a Bumpy Ride
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval
Institute], January 1993
The Navy is in for some heavy seas
if its leaders fail to adopt a defense vision that gets them in the
Washington game and positions them well with the star players--Senator
Sam Nunn, Congressman Les Aspin, General Colin Powell, and
President-elect Bill Clinton.
Romanian and East German Policies in the Third
World: Comparing the Strategies of Ceausescu and Honecker
(Westport CT: Praeger Publishers,
1992)
This book is a unique
comparison of the Third World policies of the two East European regimes
that were most active in the South during the 1970s and 1980s. The study
examines why Romania's and East Germany's high activity levels in the
South cannot be explained away as mere surrogacy for Moscow, and shows
that those attempts represented the particular agendas of Honecker and
Ceausescu in their efforts to alter their ties with the Soviet Union.
Barnett concludes that Romania and East Germany saw opportunities in the
Third World in the 1970s to forge strong diplomatic and security
profiles within the Warsaw Pact's overall presence.
Gulf Pundits: An Op-Ed Scorecard
The Washington Post, 16 December
1990
Choosing up sides in our war of words over Iraq.
Why Ceausescu Fell
The Christian Science Monitor,
28 December 1989
His silent war against the Romanian
people backfired.
Romania Domino Stays Upright
The Christian Science Monitor,
11 December 1989
Events in Eastern Europe may have
caught the West unprepared, but Ceausescu has been ready for this
upheaval for quite some time.
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