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February 28, 2006

Tom in New York: a photo essay

Here in Reuters studio right on Times Square with NHK host Hidetoshi Fujisawa, Francois Heisbourg of the Paris-based Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique and Fawaz Gerges of Sarah Lawrence College from New York (by way of Lebanon).

We tape 2-3 hours in a studio with Times Square as background for a 100-minute show ("World Current") to be shown in Japan on 12 March (Sunday).

We shall see how it goes.

The pic is of map NHK made up on poster board for my use during the show.

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Pretty cool background for the show:

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Shot of the studio with host and Heisbourg getting set:

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Chinatown near Five Points: Having Peking Duck with speaking agent Jenn Posda. Our first serious F2F, which is nice since she runs so much of my sked.

china town.jpg

February 27, 2006

From Orlando to NYC

Back in Times Square after flight from Orlando

Raytheon speech went well. Got a bit vocal in Q&A over China, but good theater. Hosts seemed happy. I was followed by Dick Armitage.

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Now in Manhattan, hitting my favorite ribs place (Virgil's--sorry my Treo couldn't handle the neon better) just off the Square with my brother Jerome.

Tomorrow is the taping of the Japanese public TV show. I am told by my hosts that Francois Heisbourg from France will be a fellow panelist. Should be interesting...

[posted by Sean for Tom]

Tom at Raytheon

In Orlando today to present to big annual Raytheon marketing meeting.

Here's a picture of ballroom/stage set-up. Typical slick set-up for worldwide corporation like Raytheon.

[posted by Sean for Tom]

February 26, 2006

FRONTLINE: the insurgency reader review

Regular reader and commenter Menno sens in this excellent and extensive analysis of FRONTLINE: the insurgency.

I don't know if you've already heard about this, but PBS FRONTLINE recently aired a program on the Iraq insurgency. I haven't had the chance to see the program yet myself, however their website has several transcripts of interviews with a variety of individuals (Col. McMaster, an Arab journalist, a TIME Magazine bureau chief, etc). Outside of Col. McMaster's interview, of which variations have been reported elsewhere, TIME Baghdad bureau chief Michael Ware went into detail about certain aspects of the insurgency that indirectly mesh with your recommendation to co-opt Iran:
"[There is] an Iranian-backed, Iranian-directed, Iranian-funded and, at the very least, Iranian-inflamed insurgency in the south of Iraq and in parts of Baghdad...So essentially, just as the Americans did in Afghanistan to oust the Taliban and Al Qaeda -- an alliance of native opposition groups were backed, funded and then led by special forces -- that's precisely what Iran did to America here in Iraq. So they seized real and effective control of the south. ...as British military intelligence describes to me, as secret U.S. intelligence documents clearly show, as members of these militias have told me, and as the Iranians' own documents betray -- what they're doing is, it's like an occupation by stealth. In all the things that the American occupation is trying to do on all the levels -- military, political, diplomatic, economic, humanitarian -- the Iranians are mirroring this. They've got military forces here performing certain functions. They're pumping in money using front companies. They're trying to take advantage of and dominate the economy of the south. They're particularly interested in the oil and other forms of commerce. They're just pumping people and money and literature into their madrassas, the mosques, the universities. What has happened to Basra University is mind-boggling -- all this kind of thing. So in every way, on all the levels of a civil military operation, the Iranians are nearing, and with enormous sums of money. These opposition groups that were formed to oppose Saddam, and some of which have been formed after the arrival of the Americans, are ... answering to and being funded by the Revolutionary Guard just across the border. The main aim of the military aspect of this Iranian-backed campaign is to bog down the coalition forces without actually provoking them. So the idea is to just chip away, say, at the British presence in the south, just unsettle them so much that they never feel stable, so, as a very senior British commander in the south told me, "so that we must remain in force-protection mode.

...Iran has played on some levels what one could describe as a very smart game in Iraq. They've backed every horse in the race, waiting to see which ones will come good. Since 2003, I've had Iraqi Sunni Baathist commanders telling me about the Iranian money they get. It's not funding their operations. It certainly wasn't then. In fact, these Baathist commanders, the biggest complaint to me about these damned Iranians was that they're too smart by half: "Instead of just giving us the money in one big lump sum, they feed it to us in little bits so we've always got to go back to them asking for more." That way they can maintain the contact and keep getting the intelligence."

Obviously grand strategy is beyond the realm of this journalist, but it seems evident that the quickest (and least bloody) method to bottle up the more militant militias of Sadr and the like -- not to mention taking some wind out of the sails of the Sunni insurgency -- is your recommendation to co-opt Iran. At the very least it'll take a great deal of heat off of our British allies.

In one of the interviews with an Army officer, he obliquely makes the case for a SysAdmin force:

"I go out there, … and I'm talking to everybody, and I'm saying, "Well, we're bringing you hope," and they're looking at me like, "Yeah, so?" … What these people want is a job. They want food. They've got all these kids. They want a sense of security. It's all about [Abraham] Maslow's hierarchy of needs. You've got to satisfy this down here if you want them to self-actualize.

So as I approached the fight, I wanted to be able to face the challenges that were inherent in the fact that there wasn't an economic alternative. I'm a soldier; I can't build jobs. So I'm wrestling with that. I'm wrestling with the fear factor. I'm wrestling with all these components, and I'm trying to figure out how to get at the enemy, because to me it wasn't good enough that if I put a couple of tanks and Brads [Bradley fighting vehicles] out there and deter the enemy from attacking, that ain't winning. So how do I win?

The way that I've told you that I think we're winning is this: I'm not still providing an economic alternative really that much, although we do hire some folks to clean canals and do that, but that's not an overall economic alternative. I can't do that; the Iraqi government has to do that. But no one is going to come in here and provide jobs or invest in Iraq until they believe that the environment is stable and secure enough so that they can invest in that.

This is what I try and reinforce to the Iraqis that I talk to all the time, is you've got to take risks to break the cycle, because it's a cycle that will continue. [If] there's not a stable and secure environment, nobody will invest in Iraq. You can't hire folks, so they don't have a job; they don't have a job, so they join the insurgency. Then we kill some of the insurgents or we detain them, and then we grab large numbers of folks, and we add to the insurgency, and the cycle continues."

Going back to Michael Ware's interview, there was a point he made that I wanted to ask you about:

"By these guys' own admission, they do not have any inherent or fundamental grievance with the United States. These were soldiers and security officers and intelligence officers who served Saddam or Saddam's regime. There's many of them, including the guys in this grainy night-vision footage, [who] have made clear to me, "Saddam was my commander in chief, but I served Iraq." They're professionals, some of whom were trained by the Americans in the '80s, some of whom had Ranger training in the '70s. So these guys had no inherent beef with the United States; it was the occupation.

Even after the toppling of Saddam, many of the insurgents I know and some of the men in [my] early film would tell me, "Look, we've got no real problem with you removing Saddam." Some of them are actually grateful [because] they came from tribes that had always been part of the regime. At the slightest hint or moment of paranoid delusion, Saddam would institute a purge against all the officers from their tribe. Some of them had even been jailed by Saddam. ... So in the immediate aftermath of the invasion, most of these guys in the insurgency as a whole ... gave the Americans a chance; they gave them a window. They stood back and watched them [come in]; they went home like they all were told to do. They served either for the Americans, or they left their intelligence headquarters and they went home and they sat and they waited.

And then they started to see what happened, and that's when they started picking up their [guns], and then they started picking up RPKs [Ruchnoi Puleymot Kalashnikova, light machine guns] and then they started picking up RPGs, and then they started picking up surface-to-surface missiles, and then they started making IEDs [improvised explosive devices]. Then they started launching complex ambushes. Then they started coordinating with Zarqawi's nascent Al Qaeda organization. There was a moment in time when all of this could have been avoided in so many ways."

The "limited window" theme (generally a couple of months, though obviously it varies depending on the situation) is one that has been constantly mentioned whenever the US intervenes militarily, whether its Desert Storm or OIF, Afghanistan, the Balkans (I remember reading about plenty of those "missed opportunities" a few years before I was deployed there), Haiti, and even Katrina. Depending upon the dynamics, the results of missing that window varies.

What I wanted to ask is whether or not you've ever considered "wargaming" the SysAdmin force as a follow-up to the "New Map Game" awhile back, in the sense of how quickly and efficiently you can get a country back on its feet economically once this force enters, whereby most civilians see immediate humanitarian and economic benefits. I don't mean that to be used as a bragging argument [I CAN GET YOUR COUNTRY BACK ON ITS FEET AND THEN SOME IN 45 DAYS!], but as a method of determining if such a "limited window" can possibly be met. I ask because NATO's ground intervention in the Balkans got the security element right (for the most part), but was quite slow on the economic front -- despite the presence of plenty of UN/NATO economic experts and other such officials -- and as a result lead to local disillusionment and later political problems; in other words, we missed the window. I'm sure organizing such a wargame would be difficult (let alone finding the right scenario), but in my opinion I think it would add greater support and understanding for the SysAdmin force if you somehow tackled the initial kickstart economic element of the force (before the FDI flows in), as you did already with the force's military and international institution aspects. I know you state that you don't consider it wise to give specifics outside of your area of expertise, which is more than understandable, but maybe a wargame-like event would allow you to bring in such experts.

Keep up the great work and I hope you end up feeling better soon.

Tom's answer to Menno's question:

This is the natural extension to the New Map Game and it's an exercise I want to pursue. Once Enterra Solutions has a deeper relationship with Oak Ridge National Lab (something we're working hard to achieve), I'm hoping we can pursue that sort of thing there with our concept of Development-in-a-Box.

So, great idea. Agree completely. Welcome any further thinking on the subject.

Tom adds later:

Later, after I landed in Newark and read Menno's full email (restricted on my Treo), I realized that I had already explored this question twice: In the Y2K project (see the Scenario Dynamics Grid) and in the Systems Perturbation workshop I ran for Art Cebrowski and his office in the post-9/11 period of the NewRuleSets.Project.

Point? Not only do we have a host of recent experiences to miine, there is plenty of previous thinking to mine. Both realizations make me even more eager to someday be part of such an effort: mapping post-whatever scenario dynamics.

Come to think of it: Barnett Consulting (meaning Bradd Hayes and I) did such an after-action on the Station Nightclub Fire disaster for the United Way of Rhode Island. All these efforts modeled the same "golden hour" phenomenon.

Thanks again, Menno, for pushing my thinking and reminding me to consider past efforts (to include Enterra colleague Bradd Hayes own book "Doing Windows" on postwar ops).

Thank you, Menno, for your good work and for sending in this review.

"Monks of War" quoted in Sacramento Bee

From the newsstands: Notable magazine offerings from February and March issues

Iraq, three years later

Esquire, March

"This is going to be a long war," writes Thomas P.M. Barnett, a strategic consultant for Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld from 2001 to 2003. "In the two dozen interviews conducted with top American military officials for this article, the overwhelming consensus is that the boys are not coming home, that these conflicts will not be ending anytime soon. In fact, the generals have taken to calling Washington's war on terrorism the Long War."

The brass say that means the Army's going to have to keep many of its forces overseas continuously, and they're going to have to learn quickly from their mistakes in Iraq. The front-and-center lesson: Figure out the culture and learn to work with the locals. Intelligence, especially the political kind, is vital.

Marine Lt. Gen. James Mattis, who has commanded U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, is quoted as saying: "If we go into Pyongyang [North Korea] and we're fighting there six months from now against a mechanized unit, 100,000 Special Forces would be running around doing what they're doing to our rear area now. So guess what? This is the best training ground in the world. For the German troops [before World War II] it was Spain, right? Well, Iraq is ours."

Michael Barone on cartoon riots and the Gap

Here's the Barone blog post from last week, sent to me by a CentCom USAF reader:

February 22, 2006

Mind the gap

Here is a map showing the location of riots protesting the Danish cartoons. And here's a link to Thomas Barnett's "nonintegrated gap." Notice the similarity? Barnett, as faithful readers of this blog will know...

Here's the full post: http://www.usnews.com/usnews/opinion/baroneblog/home.htm.

I just love this sort of stuff, because it proves the strategic concept is eminently "reproducible".

Credit where credit is due: Boscobel Dial

My Mom informs me that the next weekly issue of the Boscobel Dial contained a correction about my profile in the previous week's edition, noting that I no longer work at the Naval War College.

We are now in synch, my hometown and I.

Second column appears in Knoxville News Sentinel

Still novel enough for me to be quite exciting!

The piece, as I said earlier in the blog, focuses on China.

Here's how it starts:

China should not be ignored in global economy

By Thomas P.M. Barnett, tom@thomaspmbarnett.com

February 26, 2006

While it seems like America's foreign policy debates are dominated by current events in Iraq, Iran and North Korea, if you really want to start an argument in Washington right now, "rising China" is your best bet.

Why? That's where you'll find the most divided opinions.

On one side stand congressional protectionists and defense-industrial hawks who are convinced that China's burgeoning trade and military power spell inevitable conflict, if not over Taiwan today then over Persian Gulf oil and African minerals tomorrow.

That's why our Navy is moving ships from the Atlantic to the Pacific: Pentagon hardliners argue that, if we don't show a strong hand today, China will inevitably grow more aggressive in its frantic search for raw materials.

On the other side stands America's high-tech industry, including a slew of multinational corporations coyly hiding just how much of their profits are derived from outsourcing manufacturing or, more to the point, final assembly jobs to China ...

Read the full column here.

Pretty happy with the piece. As I said earlier in blog, I wasn't trying to put my entire China argument into one piece, but rather to start a line of argument that I can continue in future pieces. Funny thing about this column is, I wanted to write the bit about China's present being spread over the last 125 years of America's past, but I never got to that point in the article: once begun, it just never quite fit within the proscribed 720 words. So I guess I will keep that notion for a future column.

My only complaint is the title, which I left to my Knoxville masters. I don't think anybody "ignores" China in the global economy.

But I only have myself to blame on that. The Knoxville people have been very nice to me on editing and giving me serious freedom. The answer is, I need to come up with my own titles. Sure, they will edit those (editors always do), but I have to lay down my own marker or I can't complain about the outcome.

One innovation this time is that I used a different byline. Last time I used the Oak Ridge "distinguished strategist" title, but this time I went with:

Thomas P.M. Barnett is a distinguished scholar at the Howard H. Baker Center of Public Policy at the University of Tennessee and author of "Blueprint for Action: A Future Worth Creating." Contact him at tom@thomaspmbarnett.com.

I feel like I should alternate between the Baker and Oak Ridge titles in my biweekly column, because Oak Ridge arranged for both the column and the affiliation with Baker, so best to serve both masters equally over time.

Next up? Feel an Iran piece coming on.

Time for America to grow up about the global connectivity of foreign direct investment

ARTICLE: “U.S. Lawmakers Receive Global Criticism for Objections to Ports Deal,” by Aaron O. Patrick, Wall Street Journal, 25-26 February 2006, p. A4.

ARTICLE: “A Ship Already Sailed: America Ceded Its Seaport Terminals to Foreigners Years Ago,” by Simon Romero and Heather Timmons, New York Times, 24 February 2006, p. C1.

OP-ED: “Ports in a Storm: Do we believe in free trade, or don’t we?” by Zachary Karabell, Wall Street Journal, 23 February 2006, p. A16.

EDITORIAL: “Ports of Gall: The new protectionists use national security as their cover,” Wall Street Journal, 25-26 February 2006, p. A10.

ARTICLE: “Thwarted Attack At Saudi Facility Stirs Energy Fears: Officials Worry Terrorists Are Targeting Oil System; Crude Futures Jump 4%,” by Bhushan Bahree and Chip Cummins, Wall Street Journal, 25-26 February 2006, p. A1.

ARTICLE: “In Ports Furor, a Clash Over Dubai: Debate Exposes Conflicts Between Security Needs And Foreign Investment; PetroChina Hangs On in Sudan,” by Bernard Wysocki Jr. and Michael M. Phillips, Wall Street Journal, 23 February 2006, p. A1.

ARTICLE: “How Foreign Banks Scaled the Chinese Wall: Titans Acquire Minority Stakes With Little Control of Their Own; Will the Strategy Prove Wise?” by Kate Linebaugh, Wall Street Journal, 23 February 2006, p. C1.

ARTICLE: “Intel to Build Vietnam Chip Plant, Raising Nation’s High-Tech Profile,” by James Hookway and Nguyen Pram Muoi, Wall Street Journal, 24 February 2006, p. A4.

ARTICLE: “U.S. Funds Take On Global Flavor: Foreign Companies’ Equities Increasingly Populate Portfolios As Returns Pick Up Overseas,” by Tom Lauricella, Wall Street Journal, 24 February 2006, p. C1.

America has been the single biggest kingpin in outward-bound foreign direct investment since the Second World War, meaning our cumulative total of investment in other countries is bigger than anybody else on the planet. Sure, when you bundle up Europe’s numbers, they are huge (2X ours), but that’s including all the intra-European investment, which is like counting Florida investing in Michigan. Strip away all the self investment, and America is more than equal to Europe’s overseas investment total.

Have we benefited from all that overseas investing? Sure. We’re sought out cheaper resources and labor over the decades, pushing American firms to become ever more efficient and to move up the production value chain to new heights of technology and productivity. Have such investments forced our economy and society to leave behind industries that once defined our labor pool? Sure, but that’s progress, unless you think it’s better defined by every child performing the same job as their parents once did, and their parents once did, and their parents once did, and so on.

All that investment has built up this magnificent global economy, which is bigger now than it has ever been, and features less violence and danger than it has ever had to withstand before. That’s right. You go back in history and you will find an ever increasing percentage of humanity either actively involved in or preparing for mass violence. Today, that percentage is lower than it has ever been, because the numbers and cumulative size of conflicts around the world are lower than they’ve ever been.

The spread of the global economy is responsible for that, and our immense role in exporting investments around this world has been preeminent in creating that future worth living.

And yet we are so fearful of the mutually-assured dependence we’ve created with all this investment, especially when it comes back at us in the form of other countries investing in the U.S., something that’s been a hallmark of our development for decades and decades stretching back to our infancy. I know, I know, America was a perfect democracy from the start and we built this entire economy on our own, with no help from anybody except the immigrants who showed up. This is the American mythos, and we love it. But the truth is we've had huge inflows of foreign direct investment throughout our history (Number 1? The Dutch.), as lotsa foreigners “exploited our cheap labor” and our natural resources. And we benefited hugely from this.

Truth be told: no country develops without access to foreign money in this global economy. So FDI must flow. In reality, it’s the Dune-like “spice” that drives our global economy—more than oil does.

So we are rightly criticized as hypocrites when our lawmakers object to the UAE ports deal. Not just because it’s anti-trade, but because it flies in the face of current reality: the countries that run the world’s ports, including ours, are those that most heavily depend on trade (Hong Kong, Dubai, Singapore, Denmark, China, Germany, Taiwan and that city-state called Seattle). Seafaring centers rule that trade (can I get a “duh”!).

This is our game, the one we created after World War II to keep great power peace, and it’s worked like a dream. Now, great powers and wannabe regional ones all play by our rules. So when one of them does unto us what we’ve been doing unto them for decades, it’s pretty strange for us to cry foul, and even worse to cry national security.

Did DP World have an advantage in bidding for the British company that currently runs a number of our ports? Sure. And we should we wary of letting states-masquerading-as-companies pretend they are playing on a level field? All things being equal? Yes. But all things are rarely equal. And if we’re seeing connectivity result that otherwise would not be there, then I say we choose investment over fear. Do I want Dubai to become a Hong Kong/Singapore of the Middle East? Sure. Because I want the Middle East to connect up to the world. In fact, that’s the whole purpose behind our Big Bang strategy of toppling Saddam: connecting the Middle East up to the global economy faster than the jihadists can disconnect it.

The Al Qaedaists of the Middle East know damn well what they’re doing: they want to sabotage the regions’ economies, disconnecting them from the world, and reap the whirlwind of social distress. Thus we should expect more attacks on port and energy facilities like the one that targeted the Abqaiq facility recently.

I know that some op-ed strategists want to play that game as well, arguing we should cut the global economy off from the Middle East by denying ourselves its oil as quickly as possible, but I argue for just the opposite approach. I want shared economic and strategic interests, not some rapid-fire economic divorce.

That’s the essential nature of the military-market nexus that we ourselves have forged in this era of globalization. I know we are called a debtor nation, but in reality we are a security exporter, one that overspends our public funds in order to pay for the world’s security, which only our power-projecting military is capable of providing. For that service, the world pays us by buying our debt. But that process can only go so far, as we’ve seen with Japan years ago and China today. After a while, our trade partners can accumulate only so much of our money in reserves. When saturation is reached (beyond the fear of currency speculation), then these countries naturally want to diversify their holdings; they want to own us as much as we own them.

This is natural and good and a furthering of the mutually-assured dependence that defines the Functioning Core of globalization. In fact, to move from the Non-Integrating Gap to the Core, such interdependency must be an avowed goal of the migrating nation (in this case, Dubai). We either welcome that mutual dependence or we renounce the very system of growing global peace that we engineered.

We are too far down this road to change course. Invest in a “U.S.” mutual fund today and you’ll find that much of its money sits abroad, seeking greater opportunity--as it should. Some can call such activity akin to being "economic traitors," a charge so foolishly wrongheaded as to deserve complete condemnation. Instead, such investments do more to secure our national security than all the efforts of our defense establishment.

And yet it is so sad to see American leaders, right at the moment of our emerging historical triumph, becoming so amazingly full of self-doubt and fear. What do we need to continue to succeed in the world we’ve created? A highly educated and ambitious labor pool of entrepreneurs. How hard is that to achieve? You tell me.

Other countries are responding to this challenge of Friedman’s “Flat World,” and they’re doing so with less fear. China lets our banks buy into their banks. Vietnam lets Intel come in and build a big chip factory that, a few years back, would have gone to China. Everyone is striving mightily to move up the production chain and all America does is fret over industries we’ve let go abroad instead of focusing on what we really need to do next: invent the next wave of industries that will define our future.

But I am being too harsh here: those industries are appearing across the dial in America. We just need to revamp a lifelong educational system to make American labor confident enough that we can collectively migrate our skills and labor to what comes next, instead of vainly trying to hold onto what came before.

Yes, yes, easier said than done. But what do these “far-sighted” protectionists offer us instead? Look closely, because upon further examination it comes off as a sort of economic back-to-the-future escapism that comes uncomfortably close to Osama’s arguments for civilizational apartheid: “Don’t deal with this challenging future; instead retreat into a more homogenous imaginary past.”

We need confidence now more than ever because we are closer—now more than ever--to the global future we’ve been crafting for decades and decades. I feel a huge debt to the Greatest Generation, one that requires I keep pushing the pile throughout my career. I have never felt more connected to both past and future as I do today, and it fills me with a sense of great optimism.

But optimism requires confidence. You have to see the world you’ve created. You need to feel a pride of ownership and a sense of parental satisfaction.

And at some time you have to let go of your fears. You have to accept countries for what they’re becoming, not what they’ve been. You need to seize the opportunities to turn enemies into partners and partners into close friends.

We are at that moment in history.

We need that confidence and that optimism that’s defined America’s past and will shape this world’s future even more.

We all live in a world of our making. Some deride that self-awareness as naïve or delusional.

I call it real power and tell all the fear-mongers to f--k off.

February 24, 2006

Having a weird week...

Went to bed Tuesday night so convinced I was heading to doc on Wednesday (had appointment and all) that I was counting the minutes to the Amoxycilin.

Then woke up Wednesday feeling decent, thus the big post output.

Got even better yesterday, which was lost mostly to house stuff and prepping my taxes and a concert in which my son performed.

Then back to feeling bad today. At first, I thought it was my accountant telling me I needed a lot more cash on 15 April (saw him today, son of a Packer player from the 1950s, no less). I am becoming more Republican each year my income goes up!

But over day I realized this virus is not over. Of course, my usual ear for infections starts to ache just as Friday afternoon comes around (amazing how that works--never appearing until the weekend).

But I remain optimistic. I have heard so much about this flu-ish virus that goes on for two weeks and ebbs and peaks and morphs and so on and so forth. Virtually all my network has had it already. Guess it's just my turn.

Last night during son's concert (Kev has the most beautiful voice), I get two very interesting speaking invites: first is to address 30 or so national military chiefs in Asia next fall in Malaysia (I am reminded of "Zoolander" every time I hear that country's name ...) and second is to address a mega-church in Texas (all four Sat-Sun services). Now there's an interesting pair of invites that I'm guessing not every grand strategist manages to attract!

I may be closer to my Joel Osteen moment than I realized ...

Ah well, at least such interesting asides divert my attention from the fact that I will owe the IRS a frightening amount of money between 15 April and 15 June. My Dad always said it was the killer time for the self-employed.

Neat thing is, of course, I'm trying to finance a new house in the same timeframe. Is that strategic planning or what?

Come to Jesus? Come to the Uncle Sam!

Nice piece on Cebrowski by friends Jim Blaker and Rob Holzer

Jim and I go all the way back to 1990. He was in the Strategic Policy and Analysis Group (SPAG) that I joined just as it was being absorbed into the Center for Naval Analyses. Jim was one of my first mentors--a really great guy. Jim was also the first guy to say to me, "You're going to ruin this military!" I remember it well. I was standing at the Xerox. He said it jokingly, but he also meant it, even as he agreed with the logic behind wanting to "ruin the military."

Jim was also the guy to bring me to speak with Kerry's Pentagon people in the summer of 2004. An interesting, well-connected guy.

Rob Holzer is the co-author. He wrote for Defense News for years, being the first journalist to profile me as director of the NewRuleSets.Project (the one with Cantor Fitzgerald. He later went on to become public affairs guy for the Office of Force Transformation. Very smart, very good guy, who helped me a lot over my time in OFT--and beyond.

They write a nice piece here in C4ISR Journal:

Disruptive voice

Cebrowski understood the value — and inevitability — of revolutionary change

By James Blaker and Robert Holzer

January 09, 2006

Retired U.S. Navy Vice Adm. Arthur Cebrowski, who died Nov. 12, joins George S. Patton, Billy Mitchell, Hyman Rickover and others in that great brotherhood of military innovators who revolutionized national security affairs.

It is a heroic cadre, because changing things and pushing into new frontiers in military affairs inevitably means challenging convention and hierarchy in the most inherently conservative of American institutions.

Like Patton’s insights into the promise of armor, Mitchell’s unerring faith in the potential of aircraft and Rickover’s advocacy of nuclear-powered submarines, Cebrowski’s keen appreciation of the power of information technology opened new passages of military strategy. But he searched for much more than just how to adjust military functions to emerging technology. He drove the debate from the eternal military question of how to use the wisdom of experience to the far more disruptive question of how to change past wisdom to meet the new challenges of the time. And he understood that to do so meant shifting from the military focus on questions of “how” to the more profound questions of “why" ...

Go here for the full article.

Ignatius on connectivity: nice plug for Pentagon's New Map, but my conversation (i.e., Blueprint for Action) has already moved on

[UPDATE: Reposted for those who missed it]

OP-ED: "From 'Connectedness' to Conflict," by David Ignatius, Washington Post, 22 February 2006, p. A15.

Here's the key bit on me and PNM:

Among military strategists, the bible of connectedness is a book called "The Pentagon's New Map," by Thomas P.M. Barnett. He argues that the world today is divided between an "integrating core" of orderly commerce, stretching from America and Europe across to China and India, and a "non-integrating gap," which is his shorthand for the messy rest of the world. The task of U.S. foreign policy is to connect the two. Thomas Friedman's influential book, "The World Is Flat," argues that technology is driving this process of integration, and that it's creating a richer, smarter global community.

So why does the world feel so chaotic? Why is there a growing sense that, as Francis Fukuyama put it in a provocative essay in last Sunday's New York Times Magazine, "More democracy will mean more alienation, radicalization and -- yes, unfortunately -- terrorism"? I have been discussing this conundrum with friends, and I've heard two interesting theories worth sharing.

The first comes from Raja Sidawi, a Syrian businessman who owns Petroleum Intelligence Weekly and is one of the most astute analysts of the Arab world I know. He argues that Barnett misses the fact that as elites around the world become more connected with the global economy, they become more disconnected from their own cultures and political systems. The local elites "lose touch with what's going on around them," opening up a vacuum that is filled by religious parties and sectarian groups, Sidawi contends. The modernizers think they are plugging their nations into the global economy, but what's also happening is that they are unplugging themselves politically at home.

Now, I am tempted to retort here on a variety of levels.

First, the entire notion of PNM is that the spread of the global economy creates tumult and change that ultimately but not instantly leads to connectivity, which in turn leads to stability. If connectivity led instantly to stability then I wouldn't have needed to call it the Pentagon's New Map, because there would have been no role for the military in this process. In truth, I am arguing Huntington's "clash" on many levels, just rendering that concept dynamic in relation to globalization's spread, so my Seam is basically the moving front of globalization that reformats "olive tree" places into "lexus" venues, to borrow from Friedman. PNM's advance was to combine Huntington's sociological determinism with Friedman's economic determinism by adding the third leg of the stool: political-military determinism--as in, where globalization is encroaching, look for conflict.

Second, PNM's entire discussion of the Big Bang as strategy not only admits the greater likelihood of more violence, it welcomes it. This is a notion I continue at great length in BFA, which I know Ignatius has read, yet, for some reason, he chooses not to explore in print. (I know, because he told me in person how much he liked BFA when I saw him at the "Diane Rehm Show.")

Third, my entire notion of "The Train's Engine Cannot Travel Faster Than Its Caboose" is a purposeful exploration of just this point. But again, David, for whatever reason, chooses to curtail his public understanding of my ideas to PNM, when in so many ways I moved beyond that initial expression by publishing Blueprint for Action. So I don't "ignore" the elites question, I just didn't get to it in PNM.

Fourth, I actually do a better job of defending Fukuyama's "End of History" argument in BFA than Fukuyama does in his NYT Mag article of last week (cited by David)! The whole "wars of the spirit" stuff was always part and parcel of Fukuyama's argument. In fact, it was the punch line of the entire book!

Fifth, my exploration of the Middle East ("Winning This War With Connectedness") in BFA argues that our pursuit of the GWOT will not lead to lower levels of violence, but instead--as I so often point out in this blog--speed the killing.

Sixth, in BFA I offer a detailed exploration of the possible sequencing of Gap shrinkage, and in that process I reiterate a point I make in Chapter 2 on "Winning This War": the fight, if done well, heads south into sub-Saharan Africa, meaning not less violence over time, but a geographic shifting of its center of gravity. This is why the term Long War is a good one.

It's hard for me to pick a fight with Ignatius, because I admire his writing so much and because he's been quite generous with me in the past. I will admit to being too damn prolific, and thus forcing a sequel into the marketplace while book #1 is still spreading in its impact. But I mean, it's not like I'm just pointing to my blog, or my new column, or my articles for Esquire in defense here. I'm actually pointing to an entire book already in print!

Still, "bible" and comparison to World is Flat is hard to complain about, and frankly, now that I write a column, I appreciate what it is for someone like Ignatius to work an issue, bit by bit, across columns.

My second column for the Knoxville News Sentinel is sort of an intro piece by me on China. Do I get the Internet stuff in? No. Do I explore Taiwan? Not really. I get what I can get in across 720 words. It's good stuff, starting a conversation, but I easily could have used about 5,000 more words to deal with this or that aspect. But my sense, especially with a biweekly, is that I need to build a case and an understanding over time. So I do a little bit in my first column on China, then a bit more a couple of months later when I revisit, and so on.

Sure, it would be different if I were 2x a week like Ignatius, but if and when I achieve that frequency, my guess is that I'll be singing the same whiney tune on this subject (so much to cover in 720 words!), that I really don't think Ignatius has it any easier. Ignatius' real point in this piece was to introduce the yin-yang-like interplay of connectivity and chaos as globalization spreads, a concept I stake my entire vision on. So he uses me as a bit of a foil here, understandably straw-manning me a bit, but doing so in a very nice way and plugging me just fine in the process.

Would I love to push Ignatius into some treatment of BFA? Damn straight, but I have to accept the fact that I'm a bit too prolific for my own good. The marketplace of ideas will catch up eventually, and BFA is sitting there, waiting to answer so many of the criticisms leveled at PNM like this one. That is a very cool position to be in.

I am also reminded of what Barry McAffrey told me when he saw the original PNM brief: he said that the vast majority of people would need multiple exposures to the material before adequately absorbing it. In fact, he said I would need to brief most people several times before they actually "got it." I know what McAffrey meant by that, because--quite frankly--I needed several dozen "exposures" to get the material myself! So how can I expect anything better from anyone else? In the end, then, Ignatius is carrying my water, so it's hard for me to complain. By giving PNM repeat exposures in his column, he does me a very good turn. Understandably, he will "abuse" the material a bit here and there to make larger points, and you have to accept that. As someone who's written a lot himself, I know I do that to people all the time. Remember, my original text for the "Monks of War" Esquire piece as about 14k, so you're always battling the reality of limited space, meaning you advance the argument as much as you can in any one piece and make your peace with that limitation.

Richness versus reach, my old mentor Art Cebrowski liked to say. So very true.

It's like that (largely) critical review I got from the high school kids in the Indy Star last week. Sure, I would have liked it better if they had actually read either book, but I got what I could across in that brief (highly shortened due to time and my perception of bit rate with the audience--no insult, you simply adjust to the audience from the stage). So you're happy with the exposure and you recognize the richness/reach tradeoff is inescapable. I mean, look at how many people misinterpret Fukuyama simply because of that title (End of History) and the fact that almost no one has actually read his book to the end!

Readers are constantly pushing me to push myself and my ideas into new venues, acting like I should be as impatient as they are. I appreciate that desire and sense of urgency--immensely. But it's been my experience of the last 16 years that the acceptance comes when the marketplace is ready. My job as visionary is to keep the pipeline full, not get all antsy about the timeline. The grand strategist's greatest strength is his sense of patience. Spending a weekend back in my hometown of Boscobel reminds me that I've been dreaming these dreams for a good three decades. I have been patiently working on this trajectory since I became aware of a larger world in the 1972-73 timeframe, so I refuse to get all wrapped around the axle at any one point in the process, which I still see unfolding over decades, not 24-hour news cycles.

I have written about this weird phenomenon before here: PNM was the big hit among the media types but it is BFA that has dramatically elevated my facetime with policy players and military leaders. So here is my conundrum: PNM is taken more seriously by commentators but BFA is taken more seriously by practitioners (meanwhile, the academics largely condemn both for not citing them enough).

I am beginning to think the Schopenhauer bit about truth going through three cycles (ridicule, opposition, "acceptance" as self-evident) is dead on.

But again, no game clock for the grand strategist ...

Know your role in life and stick to it. Do history the favor it needs from you and remain true to your beliefs.

February 23, 2006

Director's commentary on Chapter 2 of Blueprint for Action

Director’s Commentary: Chapter Two: Winning the War Through Connectedness

This chapter was, in some ways, the hardest to write, and it came to me in terms of content rather late in the game (the February 2005 Esquire article that dealt with Iran and the Wired article of the same month that proposed a new rule set on dealing with individual terrorists).

Now, if you remember my blogging at the time, I was writing BFA across January and February of 2005, so how could that material have come so late? Remember this about magazines: a February issue comes out in early January, which means it goes to the printer NLT early December, which means you’re editing it in November, having basically written it in October. In other words, I had the material in hand well before starting the book.

This chapter was envisioned as a bottom-up chapter that would start with Iraq, then move onto the region (dealing with Iran), and then propose the system-level rule set for the Core (the World Counter-Terrorism Organization). However, because I covered so much of what I wanted to say on Iraq in Chapter 1, the planned first section was jettisoned in the great reorganization that settled the book (which also involved moving “chapter 0,” called “Blogging the Future,” from the front of the book into the Afterward). Mark and I went back and forth on this first section, with Mark complaining increasingly over time that he felt he couldn’t make the material work in a two-fold sense: first, it felt repetitious as a result of Chapter 1’s exploration of Iraq; and two, it just had a kitchen sink feel to it (bit of a grab bag of concepts I wanted to cover but that didn’t hold together particularly well). When I finally agreed to cut the section (at that time we were in the first major edit of Chapter 1), Mark was eminently relieved and we quickly came to the side agreement on moving “chapter 0” to the back of the book.

At that point, both Mark and I were in strong agreement on how the rest of the book would unfold in terms of editing, so the decision was a real tipping point in the process (growing tension until it occurred, and growing confidence from that point on).

What I ended up doing with the section was to yank out the bits I really felt most strongly about and then stick them into various points of Chapter 1. I had been reluctant to do that prior to the decision, fearing that Chapter 1 was growing too bulky, but then I counted up the total words there and realized it was still smaller, even after these additions, than Chapter 3 had been in PNM. Since Mark and I always considered Chapter 1 in BFA to be PNM-3’s equivalent, I soon got over that fear and made the additions.

In the end, it was due to this decision making process that Chapter 2 becomes the only one of the five chapters to have only two sections instead of three, but I got over that as well, despite my legendary anal attitude about such things (i.e., I like symmetry and I especially like trios).

When all was said and done, I was surprised by how much I liked this chapter. I felt like I got everything into it that I wanted. I mean, I know the arguments on Iran are controversial by today’s standards, but I really write for the long haul, and over the long haul, I know that some sort of co-optation process with Iran is inevitable and that a new, more transparent rule set on dealing with individual terrorists is inevitable, so it was important to me to get these points down now--in print.

chapter into
I really wanted to get the stuff in (p. 71) about how the Chinese policy types interpreted the yin-yang mix of idealism and realism somewhere in the book, and I knew it would be too hard in my later description of adopting Vonne Mei, so the intro seemed like a decent place to explore the concept.

So I start with a quick para on the wide disparity of reviews that PNM got, and then quickly segued into the segment on PNM being a mix of idealism (long term) and realism (short term), a nifty interpretation that was introduced to me by an audience member (Army National Guard chief for the northeast) in a brief a while back. The ANG flag compared that balancing act to the description offered by Admiral Jim Stockdale in his memoir of long-term captivity in the Hanoi Hilton: the guys who kept hoping for release by this or that date (“home by Christmas”) were the guys who lost it, whereas the ones who remained optimistic about the long term (“I will get home!”) but ruthlessly realistic about the short term were the ones who survived.

Since Chapter 1 was so big, I put in a para reminding the reader of the three major proposals I offered there on page 73.

Then I wrap it up (p. 74) with the bit about the grand strategist not getting it alone, just getting it first, segueing into a brief preview of the two career stories (CENTCOM and SOCOM) that I would use in the subsequent two sections. The last para makes a Star Trek reference (Jim Kirk’s “I don’t believe in the no-win scenario” from “Wrath of Khan”) and marries it to a Lincoln reference (“house divided against itself”). This may seem strange to some, unless one remembers that Kirk and Lincoln actually “met” in the third season of the original series.

Ahem!

Connecting The Middle East To The World
Start off here (p. 75) with how the visionary and the military interrelate, and I preview a bit with the “Dirty Harry” quote.

I liked both the “suck eggs” (a bit I’ve always wanted to work in) and the “requirements” explanation (cribbed from Hank Gaffney). Yes, the first few pages (pp. 75-77) have a bit of a pre-writing feel to them, but I love that kind of meandering detail that pulls back the curtain a bit. Warren would let me do it a bit here and there to start certain sections (“a bit of misdirection is okay if you don’t go overboard,” he would say), but we always stuck to the notion that career stories had to move the narrative along or they had no purpose.

Then I work in the Mac Thornberry quote (p. 77), which is a story told to me by Greg Jaffe from his interviews for the May 04 WSJ page-one profile on me. It didn’t make it into the piece, but I liked it so much, I knew I would find a way to stick it into Vol. II. I am still amazed that he took time out of his schedule to review PNM in the Washington Times.

The recollection (pp. 78-80) of the interactions with Central Command’s J-5 staff is, I think, really cool. This is something I was bold enough to try in PNM, with Mark Warren’s encouragement, and I think it worked well in BFA too: giving readers a sense of what the work is really like, especially the careful dance between senior military officers and civilian strategists.

That story gave me the excuse of laying out my “seams” arguments for the Middle East WRT to the Big Bang (pp. 80-84), which includes my not-too-bold prediction about African Command (p. 82). I had worked this out with CENTCOM’s people, just like I describe here, so it felt very organic to preface the material with the story of its origins.

Once I got to the end of the piece, it felt natural enough to then engage in some self-congratulatory quoting from David Ignatius’s very complimentary December 2004 op-ed about PNM (p. 84), in which he wrote about how much my thinking seemed to have penetrated CENTCOM. The only way I could include a quote like that was to really build the story from A to Z, otherwise it would have come out of left field.

At that point, the career portion of the section is done, and we go straight into the policy arguments and analysis, so the section really pivots on page 85 when I go into the Marc Sageman (a guy I met at SOCOM) material on the global Salafi jihadist movement.

Then a quote from Olivier Roy (P. 87) to introduce him, segueing into my typology of troubled Muslims that starts with those generally disgruntled with American policies in the region and drills down to Osama himself. I got this stuff from a variety of reference web sites that seek to lay out a basic understanding of “radical Islam.” I also use this exploration to take some additional pot shots at the hardcore Fourth Generation Warfare types like van Creveld and Kaplan (pp. 88-89).

Then we’re into my main points that I want to make about the Middle East (pp. 90-96), focusing most on demographics and making my general point that it’s the expansion of the global economy that’s driving a lot of this tumult.

My long pivot to the Iran material, which is itself an extensive reworking of the February 2005 Esquire argument, is the notion of “overlapping races” (p. 97), which naturally becomes a nifty slide in my current brief on BFA. That’s a quintessential sort of summary strategic concept that you find in my work: collapsing a lot of other people’s analyses into a meta-analytical singularity that’s fairly accessible--as in, simple.

My shorter pivot (p. 98) is my backhanded dismissal of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the perceived center of the Middle Eastern universe. We’ve had our vision of Mideast change held so captive to that concept for so many years now, it must seem insane to see it treated so summarily in a section focused on the region, but that’s what I believe. For too long, we’ve pretended that if we got a perfect “peace plan” on Israel and Palestine, then somehow everything would chill in the region, when in reality, there is no peace on that subject until the region as a whole is transformed from its rancid authoritarianism into something better. Is Israel put at risk by this process? No more than normal.

But that’s the underlying message of the Big Bang: speed the killing. And that’s my message on Iran: get to the rapprochement we all know must happen. Definitely scary terrain to cover between here and there, but no risk, no reward.

Then I blow up the Iran segment of the Esquire article (pp. 98-104), turning paras into pages. This section naturally get caricatured as “forging an alliance” with Iran as though we’re throwing in our lot with the mullahs (or worse, “giving Iran the bomb”), when really what I’m talking about here is the best and fastest version of the “soft kill” we used to defeat the Sovs.

I feel very good about getting this idea down in formal print. I think the strategy will be amply proven by history, or the Big Bang will simply go down in flames. Our choice, really.

Creating the New Rule Set on Global Terrorism

In many ways, I am most proud about this section, because if I had neglected to make this argument (something I wasn’t planning on doing prior to being asked by Wired to write on the subject) I really would have regretted not addressing the subject.

Plus, it just rounded off my rule sets to propose one for states and one for individuals in the GWOT.

I basically use the same format as the previous section, this time recounting interactions with the Special Operations Command and in particular the experts group brought together for a weeklong effort with the commander, General Doug Brown and his senior planners (pp. 105-114).

Now, to reveal some of the names implied on page 106…

The “psychiatrist” is no surprise, since I used his book (Understanding Terror Networks) so much in BFA: Marc Sageman. Smart as shit, but not the easiest guy to be around. When people say I have a big ego and a brusque manner, I just remember what it was like to spend that much time with Sageman. He makes me look like a child in comparison. Still, no arguing the competency. It’s just that he’s a drill-down artist supremo, so no surprise that he and I didn’t mesh.

The “noted futurist from the business world” was Peter Schwartz. He was the great middle-ground type who kept trying to maintain the peace in our discussions. Very good at this. Pretty easy to get along with.

The “best-selling author of science-fiction novels popular with military offices” was Orson Scott Card, who wrote “Ender’s Game.” Not surprisingly, he was the big storyteller of the group. Nice guy to hang with.

The “expert on the online activities of youth” was J.C. Herz, who was the NYT’s first videogame critic. Interesting lady who tends toward the dark. Still, fun to be around. Imagine Winona Ryder with a 160 IQ.

There were a few others, but those were the ones that stuck in my mind.

My standard for SOF guys is the current vice commander, Vice Admiral Eric Olson. Spend some time with him, and you will be left with a strong impression. I hope he becomes eventual commander. As much as I like Brown, I like Olson’s more pure take on trigger pulling.

I mentioned Kerry’s proposal for enlarging SOCOM (p. 112) because he had just made it during the campaign prior to the week I spent down there, so it was something Brown addressed in our consultations. Funny thing is, Kerry is defeated and then his proposal for plusing up SOCOM is pursued by Rummy as the big answer on the GWOT. Funny how that works out, no?

What Rummy hasn’t seemed able to get through the system is the return of Civil Affairs to the regular Army. That’s part and parcel on his apparent desire to put Iraq behind him by making SOCOM the center of the GWOT universe. Wishful thinking, say I.

The bit about not fighting states any more and drawing a clear line of events all the way back to Just Cause (p. 114) is a verbal thing I just started spontaneously in the brief around the time PNM hit the stores. I really liked using it in the brief, so I wanted to get it into Vol. II.

I really like the Kaiser Soze bit on page 115. My brother-in-law and surrogate reader Steve Meussling really objected to that in the first draft, saying it was criminal to give away a “gotcha” ending for a movie plot in a book on international relations, but I figured it was just too good to pass up, especially after I read a bunch of the crazy rumors about AMZ, as the military likes to shorthand him (Abu Musab al-Zarqawi). Also liked mentioning Dennis Miller.

Can’t believe I misspelled “millennarian” twice in the book (99 and 117). Wait a minute? I didn’t misspell it according to MS! Seems it really does only have one “n” in the middle.

The section critiquing the mystique of Al Qaeda (pp. 118-122) relied heavily on Sageman, whose book is really without peer, as I say in the endnotes. I kept using his name in the text across these pages in the first draft, along with Roy’s, but Warren made me cut those out. He kept saying, “Write the material in your own voice and cite them, but don’t turn this section into a book report.”

I manage to pull my desired trifecta in this chapter by working in the bit about sitting down with the senior officers of the Joint Staff’s J-5 on page 123. I thought it was pretty amazing that PNM brought me to SOCOM, CENTCOM and the Joint Staff all in one summer (2004) like that.

The time I spent with the J-5 people in the Joint Staff made a real impression. The PNM brief changed a lot after that interaction, as it did after the SOCOM and CENTCOM consultations.

What was cool about the Joint Staff story was that it allowed a smooth segue into the argument for a new Core-wide rule set on dealing with individual terrorists, which gets me to the Wired article.

But before that, I go into a lengthy bit about why a new rule set will prevent bad things from arising in the Core (pp. 124-128). Within that space I work in a bit about the DC sniper and give my NASCAR “yellow flag” concept, a bit that Art Cebrowski always loved (we actually planned a workshop on it, but I could never get the Naval War College to bite on it).

I didn’t really blow up the Wired piece all that much, because in its original format, it was a fairly lean and meaty piece, so it plugged in here quite nicely.

I finish the chapter with a neat but quick (one para, really) bit on how the GWOT’s outcome is crucial to globalization’s future advance. Didn’t try to get too poetic here. I mean, I knew the first two chapters, in sum, were long (133 pages!), so I wanted to move the book along.

* * *

The first five sections of the book (3 in Chapter One and 2 in Chapter Two) really close off the “Pentagon” portion of the series for me. At this point, I really felt I had said everything I needed to say on the military (no drill-down artist, I), and what I wanted to do over the rest of the book was explore the solution set beyond the five-sided building.

In many ways, Chapters One and Two belong more to PNM than to BFA. I just didn’t think I could go that far in PNM, since the bifurcation notion was radical enough.

Still, the five arguments in these five sections make for a nice opening handful of “blueprint” bullets WRT the Pentagon and the U.S. Government.

But I have to admit: I was relieved when we were done with these sections. To me, the book really starts in Chapter 3 in terms of expanding my vision to its full breadth. Not coincidentally, the Pentagon effectively disappears as a character from this point onward. That surprised me deeply when I was writing the first draft. In retrospect, though, it makes perfect sense.

February 22, 2006

Quietly, PACOM builds a mil-mil bridge

Great story reposted on Real Clear Politics on how Pacific Command is quietly beginning an officer exchange program with the Chinese. This is Fox Fallon's personal decision to exploit his time as head of PACOM to leave the U.S.-Chinese mil-mil relationship stronger than he found it.

Good stuff, done with some risk for Fallon, since it puts him at odds with Rumsfeld and the Pentagon. Word is, he's been called on the carpet, so to speak, for this sort of stuff. But the good thing about ending your career at PACOM is that you really are king-for-many-days. Most guys look at it like that, which is why it's a serious job for those who know how to use it.

Thanks to Bill Millan for alerting me on this story.

First Kaplan, now Boot wants a Department of Everything Else

OP-ED: "Diplomacy for the real world: Without changes, the State Department isn't ready to meet today's challenges," by Max Boot, Los Angeles Times, 22 February 2006.

Hmm, maybe my little column in the Knoxville News Sentinel has more pull than I realized!

Okay, okay, I put away the delusions of grandeur for a moment ...

Neither Kaplan nor Boot actually call for a Department of Everything Else, my amazingly bold term. Instead, both reference the British Colonial Office, bringing up my always fierce aversion to anything Niall Ferguson!

Okay, okay, I regress ...

Both Kaplan and Boot are historians by nature, so they reach for that paradigm, just like Ferguson, and there's a lot of validity in the comparison--except everything has totally changed in the meantime!

Seriously, the fact that all these big brains come to the same conclusion says something about the inevitability of a Department that does the . . . you know . . . everything else connected with nation-building.

Here's how Boot puts it:


And why not set up a new nation-building department built, perhaps, on the foundation of the Agency for International Development? The new Office of Reconstruction and Stabilization is doing good work, but it is unlikely to get sufficient support from Congress or its own department as long as it's subsumed in a larger bureaucracy.

In any case, the skills needed for nation-building are more akin to those of the old British Colonial Office than to those inculcated by the State Department. We should open up our own version of the Colonial Office at USAID. Instead, the trend seems to be toward more closely integrating USAID into the State Department, repeating the mistake that was made with the USIA.

Don't nod off. Diplomacy may not be sexy stuff, but it is vitally important if we are to deal with looming problems before they turn into a crisis requiring tens of thousands of U.S. troops to fix. We actually need to spend more and hire more people to tackle these issues. The entire international affairs budget — which includes funding not only for the State Department and other agencies but also for foreign aid — is just $35 billion, compared with about $500 billion in defense spending. And the State Department has just 13,000 employees, not enough to fill one Army division.

But before making a bigger commitment to diplomacy and related disciplines, we need to make sure we have the right structure in place to address the challenges of the 21st century.

Hmmm. I'm still feeling pretty shitty, but not so beyond the mainstream as many of my critics would have it.

Grand strategists deal in inevitabilities. You can quote me on that.

Boscobel Dial story on PNM

Can't find you an online version. Boscobel's a bit Gappy in that way (as if the title of the piece doesn't tell you that).

Here's the text (I will comment at the end; do not read any of the asides in the text as being mine, as I reprint the article here exactly as it appeared):

Boscobel author breaks new ground with his look at global transformation: Barnett works for the U.S. Naval War College

[no author listed, although it seems to be someone from Lancaster WI, the county seat]

Boscobel Dial, 16 February 2006, Second Section, page 1.

Thomas P.M. Barnett of Boscobel can trace his ancestry to several Grant County Civil War veterans, Barnetts as well as John Callis of the Iron Brigade. His parents were both attorneys and his father practiced many years in Boscobel.

In 2004, Thomas' book, The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-First Century (Berkeley Books, NY), was published. The book cites a review by The National Review which is a good summary of the book:

"In many respects, the book is brilliant and innovative. It offers a persuasive analysis of the post-9/11 world as well as policy prescriptions flowing from that analysis ... He is an entertaining writer and offers many interesting insights into the workings of the bureaucracy and the travails of those who would seek to transform its workings ... Despite attempts to caricature Barnett as a warmonger becaause he endorsed the war in Iraq, the fact is that he is optimistic about the blessings of 'connectivity' and globalization--indeed he is extremely close in outlook to [Francis] Fukuyama. He believes that globalization can create prosperity anywhere only if it creates prosperity everywhere."

Barnett works for the U.S. Naval War College, held many positions in the government and think tanks, and has a Ph.D. from Harvard in governmental affairs. The most striking note in the book is that he was on stage during 9/11 and he was scheduled during that month both for a meeting at Cantor Fitzgerald in the World Trade Center [They lost much of their staff that day] and he was scheduled to meet at the exact location where the plane struck the Pentagon.

The book sets a world stage with the terms "the Core" and "the Gap," the Core being the countries that are functioning in the global economy and the Gap being the countries that are not well integrated into the global economy. He believes the answer is to facilitate the Gap becoming participants in the global economy which will reduce/eliminate terrorists. [This is a Grant County overview of a 400-page book.]

He believes that the U.S. should be "the system administrator" to oversee the transformation of the Gap into the Core. While the book "uses an easy conversational language that instructs rather than condescends" [Fort Worth-Star Telegram], its concepts and presentation can be difficult to follow or even agree. There are portions of his ideas that are troubling, such as "much needed regime change" or a new "9/11 trigger to set the end game in motion."

He includes a reference to Boscobel in the book:

"I was both unwittingly and unwillingly introduced to the concept of asymmetrical warfare as a young child growing up in my small hometown of Boscobel, Wisconsin. My dear father was the city attorney, which meant he sometimes had to enforce city ordinances with townsfolk who, for example, saw no reason why raising pigs in their backyard might disturb their neighbors. I sometimes found myself standing up to fairly sizable bullies who were determined to make me pay for the fact that my dad had mad their dad lose the livestock.

"Like anyone smaller facing someone larger, I engaged in asymmetrical warfare to defend myself. In other words, I pulled every dirty trick on them that I could think of, always trying to exploit their weakest points. While I got roughed up now and then, I never really ever got beat up, because I was willing to pull out all the stops to defend myself. I knew I would never survive a straight-up fight, so I would run because they were slower, hit them below the belt because they were taller, or joke my way out of the situation. But I never did try to punch them out, because punching was their strength, and it simply made no sense for me to fight their way."

He mentions Wisconsin in the book:

"Washington, D.C. is a lot different from rural Wisconsin, where I grew up. In Wisconsin, people ask you what you do because they are really interested and--if possible--they would like to help you get ahead in life. But in Washington, people ask you what you do because they want to check your status relative to theirs, and getting down your particulars proves handy if they ever need to bring you down a peg or two."

He also retains his Green Bay Packers season tickets and takes his two oldest children to a game each at Lambeau Field each fall.

He also mentions his brother and, just before acknowledging his wife, he says this about his parents:

"It almost goes without saying that this book is yet another small down payment on the enormous debt I owe my parents, John and Colleen, for everything they have done for me across my lifetime. All the great convictions expressed in this vision began originally with them, my life being an extension of their own."

The president of our high school class served in the White House under Reagan and his aunt expressed concern about him losing his faith. Barnett mentions his religious upbringing several times in the book. One wonders if they looked at 1 Cor. 1:18. Man since ancient times [see Roman Empire] has attempted to control his own fate. Has he ever succeeded? Thomas is optimistic about our future but it still remains frightening.

COMMENTARY: All joking aside about it taking almost two years for news of my book to reach my hometown newspaper, this is actually a pretty good write-up, which naturally favors the local excerpts. The bit about the local kid who works for Reagan is, my Mom told me, probably about some guy from Lancaster. My Mom was told by the local editor of the paper that this piece was written by someone in Lancaster, where the Barnetts originally landed in Grant County in the 19th century. I like the bit about the Bible at the end. It's very Boscobel Dial-ish

The piece is ended with a joke quote from "Senator Soaper" which reads: "Democracy is a form of government in which it is permitted to wonder aloud what the country could do under first-class management."

Works for me.

Good job for State Department: recruiting CEOs as diplomats working the military-market nexus

ARTICLE: "Trying to Turn Its Image Around, U.S. Puts Top CEOs Out Front: State Department's Ms. Hughes Rallies Companies to Play Bigger Role in Diplomacy," by Neil King Jr., Wall Street Journal, 17 February 2006, p. A1.

Ms. Hughes is recruiting for the Department of Everything Else, trying to bolster the State Department's rather thin ranks on the subject with private sector CEOs.

Read this article and you'll see what I mean. Despite the title suggestion, this isn't about diplomacy anywhere but inside the Gap, and we're always talking postconflict/postdisaster/post-whatever situations, as in, serious SysAdmin territory.

This article suggests that our best diplomacy will involve efforts like the notion Steve DeAngelis and I are working on right now--that notion of Development in a Box, the ultimate push-package that recognizes peace as the ultimate aftermarket.

I mean, see my previous post about emerging markets becoming the driver for the global economy and then realize that shrinking the Gap is in everyone's best interests--and profit motives.

The danger here, is, of course, more flash than substance, which is a continuing problem of leaving these sorts of efforts to State, which is in the process of ruining the U.S. Agency for International Development, so why would they be any better with Development in a Box?

State is good to run the Core, and Defense is getting better (despite the continuing recalcitrance of the Big War crowd) at running the security issues of the Gap. In the end, though, we need that department that works the transition from Gap to Core.

So great idea, just wrong DC address.

China's emergence as global tourism magnet

ARTICLE: "2020 Vision: How and where we will be traveling in the year 2020 and beyond; The Hot Destination: China will draw tourists from everywhere," Indianapolis Star, 19 February 2006, p. K1.

As I noted in BFA, tourism industry officials have long predicted that China itself will provide the world about 100 million tourists a year. This article predicts that China, already the fourth-biggest tourist destination in the world today, will be number one by 2015.

Clearly, the Beijing Olympics and China's burgeoning film industry will accelerate this trend, as both will showcase China. And Shanghai, as the article argues, is poised to become the new New York, with double the Big Apple's number of skyscrapers already and plans to build 1k more.

Still think those alleged 40 million Chinese males who can't find a wife due to skewed sex ratios won't be able to get a date?

New Core drives Globalization IV's growth more and more

COLUMN: "Protectionism Threatens Emerging Engine of Growth," by Frederick Kempe ("Thinking Global"), Wall Street Journal, 21 February 2006, p. A4.

Cool bit on how the New Core increases drives the global economy in terms of demand. So more and more it's not just the U.S. that drives global demand. The EU and Japan haven't driven demand in a while, and show no signs of doing so any time soon.

Instead it is countries like Brazil, Russia, China, India and the East European countries that used to belong to the Warsaw Pact that are accounting for an increasingly larger chunk of global imports (rising from about 28% back in 1980, when Globalization III began, to an estimated 40% by last year (I date Globalization IV from 9/11).

That's the percentage growth. The actual growth is more impressive: emerging markets accounted for about a trillion in global imports in 1990, but draw in four times that amount today ($4T).

Says one banker, "The baton of global consumption is being passed from the U.S. consumer base to the millions of consumers in developing nations."

Still think there's no money to be made in shrinking the Gap?

The big hitch? Congress' rising penchant for protectionism.

This is myopic in the extreme. As this article points out, "One-third of U.S. corporations' foreign-affiliate income, which is a proxy for their foreign earnings, came from emerging markets in the first three quarters of last year, a record high and up significantly from 25% in 2002."

As the same banker (Joseph Quinlan, chief market strategist at Bank of America) puts it at the end of the piece: "Bad trade policy could upset this emerging consumer class as a powerful consumption force just when we need them."

As I wrote in PNM: we shrink the Gap for the most selfish of reasons. Neo-Marxist bullshit (Iike Immanuel Wallerstein) says the Core needs to keep the Gap the Gap in order to stay rich, when history is amply proving the exact opposite is true--just as I argued in PNM and BFA.

New Core sets the New Rules on medical coverage--yet again

ARTICLE: "In South Africa, Insurer Gives Points For Healthy Living: Frequent-Flier-Style Program Rewards Diligent Members; Model for U.S. Overhaul? (A Diabetic Wins Elite Status)," by Ron Lieber, Wall Street Journal, 21 February 2006, p. A1.

ARTICLE: "How the Amish Drive Down Medical Costs," by Joel Millman, Wall Street Journal, 21 February 2006, p. B1.

Fascinating pair of articles. In first, South Africa shows an interesting, carrot-laden way of improving the behavior of its medically-insured population. People love freebies, and they love point systems. Same basic drill as frequent flier accounts: the system rewarding those who give it the highest profits.

I know, I know, South Africa's New Core status seems thin to some, and how could America ever take any tips from such a public health basketcase as that?

But that's the essential point of my notion that the New Core sets the new rules: it's the countries experiencing the most growth and rapid development that tend to come up with the most innovative solutions for all sorts of social stress issues. So China is becoming a global center of innovative research on cancer (all those smokers), whereas India pioneers medical tourism (flying to Mumbai or New Delhi for that heart bypass at one-quarter the cost--flight included!).

Necessity is the mother of invention, and the New Core countries experience the bulk of necessity right now.

The second article would seem a Gap-within-the-Core argument, until you read far enough: turns out those Amish are winning their demands for cheaper care from U.S. providers by threatening to abandon them completely for long trips to Mexico for cheaper care. The Amish are basically trading their time, which they have in abundance, to threaten switching to New Core medical providers in Mexico in order to win price concessions from Old Core providers in the U.S.

Seems like the Mexican tail wags the American dog again!

PNM's publication in China derailed

Got an email over last weekend from lawyer Michael Tang in NYC, who helped set up the deal with Beijing U Press and worked as part of the translation team, saying that BUP now wanted to renege on our previous deal of cutting only a minimum of wordage regarding the Chinese Communist Party and Taiwan (so long as BUP could caveat the book as reflecting my personal opinions and not reflecting any official BUP stance).

Now, apparently out of fear of recent government sackings of editors who got out of line, BUP's senior managers have returned to their demands that everything mentioning Iraq, Iran and North Korea be removed from the text, otherwise they threaten to abandon the publication, which was set for January (basically, the book is completely set for printing).

Well, I thought about for a few minutes and decided to refuse their demand, instructing Tang to tell them we'd seek publication elsewhere.

I have a couple of options through other friends in China. Neither may pan out, and my agents here in the States have warned me that BUP may simply publish the book with the cuts they desire, pretending it never heard back from me or simply ignoring what I've decided. This is, apparently, an old trick.

If this occurs, I will obtain the Chinese translation of the full book and post it on the web myself, or I will arrange for my own separate translation of the cut parts or the book in its entirety and post one or the other on the web. May take a while, but I will try to do this if this scenario unfolds.

Meanwhile, I will seek out other interested parties in China through the contacts I have, and I will instruct my agents not to approach BUP regarding Blueprint for Action.

The neverending dream of the all-in-one solution

ARTICLE: “Rumsfeld Aims To Elevate Role Of Special Forces,” by Greg Jaffe, Wall Street Journal, 18-19 February 2006, p. A1.

ARTICLE: “The Future of U.S. Warfare,” Julian Barnes Q&A with Peter Schoomaker, U.S. News & World Report, 27 February 2006, p. 25.

ARTICLE: “Army Teaches Officers to Think Globally,” by Associated Press, Washington Post, 21 February 2006.

ARTICLE: “U.S. Counterinsurgency Academy Giving Officers a New Mind-Set: Course in Iraq Stresses the Cultural, Challenges the Conventional,” by Thomas E. Ricks, Washington Post, 21 February 2006.

OP-ED: “Musings About the War on Drugs,” by George Melloan, Wall Street Journal, 21 February 2006, p. A19.

OP-ED: “Send in the State Department,” by Robert Kaplan, New York Times, 21 February 2006.

Usual great piece from Jaffe, this time on Rummy’s plan to expand Special Ops Command by growing 14k more bodies (this will take time, Schoomaker points out).

Here’s the worrisome bit:

The Pentagon chief’s focus on these elite forces reflects his conviction that the Iraq war--in which about 140,000 U.S. troops are struggling to rebuild a country from the ground up--is an anomaly that is winding down and won’t be repeated, say senior defense officials.

“We are not going to invade and occupy our way to victory in the long war against Islamic extremism,” said Michael Vickers, who served as a senior adviser on the secretary’s recently released review of Pentagon spending and strategy.

This is an okay argument, if not taken to extremes. Reality is that postwar reconstruction ops are here to stay, whether or not we repeat the largely go-it-alone approach we applied in Iraq. Remember, Bush the Elder started the first go-around on Iraq (beginning, we now know, our successful nation-building process in Kurdistan) and Somalia, and Clinton started efforts in Haiti (resumed under Bush the Younger), Bosnia and Kosovo. Bush then started an effort in Afghanistan (small footprint model) and then restarted the effort in Iraq (go-it-alone model), so you have to be careful to avoid the notion of many Big War hawks in the Pentagon, of which Vickers is certainly one, who want to push off the entirety of the GWOT (not to mention the entire Gap) to SOCOM, leaving the Pentagon free to dream up big wars against a big opponent, as in China.

There is no way SOCOM is going to handle the Gap on its own, and civil affairs will remain largely a niche function so long as it’s ghettoized in SOCOM instead of the Army. Plus, as Frederick Kagan points out in the Jaffe piece, Rumsfeld’s belief in the model of letting the locals handle as much as possible “is unshaken even in the face of multiple setbacks over the last few years.”

As Jaffe notes:

One of the most striking features of the Rumsfeld vision as outlined in the review is that it doesn’t provide much new for the conventional Army and Marine Corps units who are now doing the bulk of the fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. Rather, it suggests that these sorts of wars are an aberration that won’t be repeated any time soon.

And here I think we finally locate Rumsfeld’s version of MacNamara-like guilt over Iraq. It is a classic out-of-sight-out-of-mind concoction, this QDR, that proclaims the Long War and then immediately outsources it all to SOCOM, as in, “Will no one rid me of this GWOT?”

Schoomaker’s remaking an entire Army for the Long War, but this force, and the Marines, seem missing in action in Rumsfeld’s QDR, which prefers, deep down, to keep planning on great power war with China. Despite all the rhetoric and new support to SOCOM, this is still Rumsfeld trying to lowball the GWOT, reasserting its status as lesser included when compared to “disruptive” threat China.

This is a shame, because the Army, the Marines, and CENTCOM are busting ass to refashion themselves sufficiently for the tasks that lie ahead, whereas Rummy seems intent on farming the entire effort out to an already tapped SOCOM that won’t magically cover the Gap with 14k extra guys.

This low-balling approach is what gets you the multi-decade, no-progress effort called the (global) War on Drugs, or GWOD I suppose. In the GWOD, we’ve transferred most of the costs to American society (roughly $50B a year) that would be better spent on increasing our foreign aid budget... oh, about 10-fold!

But here’s the rub in the end, as Schoomaker points out, and as the new COIN (counter-insurgency) doctrine points out, the winning mix is about 20% kinetic and about 80% non-kinetic. SOCOM, even expanded, comes nowhere near handling the 80% non-kinetic, which invariably involve the Army and Marines big time, along with a lot of civilian US government personnel.

Everyone knows this, except perhaps Rummy and the China hawks in the Pentagon, who want desperately for things to return to the way they were.

Even Robert Kaplan, in an excellent NYT piece, finds himself reaching for an interagency-focused federal department in the model of the British Colonial Office.

Can anyone say “Department of Everything Else”?

Apparently, Bob Kaplan can.

On Dubai port "scandal," I vote for connectivity

ARTICLE: "Bush, Congress Head for Clash Over Ports Deal: President Promises a Veto, As Republican Leaders Move To Block Dubai Acquisition," by Greg Hitt, Dennis K. Berman and Daniel Machalaba, Wall Street Journal, 22 February 2006, p. A1.

EDITORIAL: "Ports of Politics: How to sound like a hawk without being one," Wall Street Journal, 22 February 2006, p. A14.

EDITORIAL: "Paranoia about Dubai ports deal is needless," Financial Times, 21 February 2006.

After lecturing the Europeans over the cartoon flap, it's awfully weird to watch the paranoia, racism, and pure political nonsense at work on the proposed purchase of a British port-managing firm by a Dubai corporation.

The message we send on this is clear: if you're Arab, you're immediately untrustworthy. Dubai seeks to become the Singapore of the Middle East, and watching that rather progressive model of capitalism + Islam reach out for this strand of connectivity in a venue it knows all too well (shipping) makes perfect sense, just like CNOOC reaching for UNOCAL last summer.

Is it the pretense of these "hawks" that America somehow "secures" itself in a globalized world, not being able to trust any others in this process?

This thing is so overblown on so many levels as to be truly, madly, deeply stupid as a political football. Shame on any presidential types for grabbing this one and running with it. Our goal in the GWOT is to connect the Middle East faster than the jihadists can disconnect it, so again, what do we say here to the people of Dubai,who have--believe it or not--done plenty to aid our efforts in the region at great personal risk to their national security?

This is something I harp on in BFA: either we reward countries trying to make the journey from Gap to Core or we stop pretending we're in this GWOT for anything other than our own profiteering--political or otherwise.

The biggest joke? This labeling of the contract as somehow putting the company in question in charge of our port security, when it's only about managing commercial activities. The Coast Guard runs security for our ports--always has and always will. This is misrepresentation of the worst sort, and it's why I argue against a strategic communications strategy with the Gap: our own politicians screw up that sort of effort on a daily basis. Better to police our own loose lips than seek any singular voice abroad.

People act responsibly when you give them responsibility. Dubai has earned that trust. Either we're true to our word or let's just go Tom Friedman's 'cut-them-off-at-the-gas" proposal and tell the entire Islamic world that we accept Osama bin Laden's offer of civilizational apartheid.

I'm with Bush on this one. He's showing some serious maturity on a subject about which too many in Congress are acting childishly.

Working the Gap inside the Core

Nice email from a reader:

Mr. Barnett,

Just wanted to let you know that The Pentagon's New Map is on my top 5 books of all time. I think you should receive a Pulitzer for it. I've read all of your articles and am looking forward to Blueprint for Action.

I spent a few years in the Navy after college, finishing up as an Anti-Terrorism Training Officer just as 9/11 came on the scene. Have since spent my career as a Criminal Investigator for the banking industry and the last couple of years as an Investigator for an international shipping company. I'm also working on my M.A. in Criminal Justice. I only mention this because your work has inspired me to draw a parallel.

I think your Core-Gap principle as well as the "lessons learned" cited in the most recent Esquire magazine article could be completely applied to our domestic crime/corrections/judicial problems. We have developed our own internal "quagmire" because we are fighting the wrong war. I'm all for locking up the bad guys but this is ultimately a dangerously narrow-minded proposition. I think we in the Criminal Justice world need to think more dynamically and work on shrinking the Gap within our own country. In fact, my Masters Thesis might be on this very issue.

Just wondering if you've ever thought of this (you probably have) and hoping that you might someday consider an article on it?

Anyway, just wanted you to know that I'm a big fan. Keep up the good work and God bless.

M.B. (actual name witheld pending okay)
Phoenix, AZ

My reponse to M.B.?

I've been confronted a number of times with this observation, and believe it to be incredibly true. I know it's true from the months I spent with Enterra Solutions colleague Bradd Hayes doing strategic planning for the United Way of Rhode Island, and from my interactions with the Providence police chief on this subject.

Beyond that gut feeling, I have little to offer because I need people like yourself to educate me on what comes next--beyond this basic realization. So, naturally, I'd be thrilled to see your masters involve this question. The exploration of essential resiliency inside the Core's own Gaps should tell us a lot about how best to shrink the Gap with time.

Remember what I've said in the books and here in the blog: there is nothing going on inside the Gap right now that we haven't encountered and conquered (or attempted to conquer in the past). All we need to do in order to understand how best to shrink the Gap is to look inside ourselves and remember our past--and our present, as this excellent email points out.

But no, don't wait on any Pulitizers, which naturally go to books that do more reporting than I ever hope to achieve in my work. Not sure what the appropriate award is for grand strategy books, but I'll gladly take one of those!

February 21, 2006

Tom Barnett: Government Change Agent

Google Alerts pointed me to the press release "Sapient Releases Findings from Change Agent Research; New Paper Provides Roadmap for Government Innovation".

From there I clicked to GovernmentChangeAgents.com

There I found a post dated February 10th entitled "Tom Barnett, a Change Agent and 'Horizontal Thinker' No One Can Ignore". In that post, Dan Forrester thanks Tom for all of his help with the paper Dan wrote for Sapient "The Government's New Breed of Change Agents, Leading the War on Terror". Tom is featured very prominently in that paper (Acrobat search returns 7 hits). Dan links Tom's original post from February 2005 where Tom mentions doing the interview. (How's that for circular linking! ;-)

In the next post at GovernmentChangeAgents.com, Dan writes about Art Cebrowski, Tom's mentor. Dan credits Tom for helping them get an interview with Admiral Cebrowski for the paper. The coolest thing about that post, to me, was the link Dan had to the tribute page the Office of Force Transformation has put up in the admiral's memory. One of the tributes they link is Zenpundit (have you seen it, Mark?). Strangely, they don't link anything by Tom, though Tom didn't write a tribute per se.

Tom writes:

This report is worth checking out. It's a rare piece that explores what it takes to create change leadership within the government, and Dan does an amazing job of describing and categorizing the types of change leaders, so much so that I learned a good deal about my relationship with Art Cebrowski by reading it.

The paper reminds me of Gladwell's categorization of connecting types in Tipping Point, but again, pursuing a venue (the government) that's very rarely explored with this sort of approach, so truly path-breaking.

Tom in the news

The Knoxville News-Sentinel reports (some registration required):

The March 15 [Knox County Public Library] book discussion will focus on "The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the 21st Century" by Thomas Barnett, and "Allies: The U.S., Britain and Europe and the War in Iraq" by William Shawcross.

The News-Sentinel is on the way to becoming "The official newspaper of Tom Barnett". ;-)

A well-timed break

DATELINE: in the Shire, Indy, 21 February 2006

Back from nice trip to Boscobel WI, my hometown. Fun times with two of my six siblings and one of my nieces.

Hit the Chicago Shedd Aquarium on Friday on drive up, which was really cool. Only problem: I have so many kids (4) that the family membership pack was actually cheaper!

Oddly enough, a nice article about me and PNM in my hometown newspaper this week. I will try to blog later tonight, but no promises.

Got what was winding its way through the family finally, on ride home last night, and it's already blossomed into the usual right-side ear infection/sinus infection combo. Got a doc appointment for tomorrow, which means I will be close to brain dead until Thursday morning, when the antibiotics have had a chance to work some magic.

Good week to get sick, as I am not traveling at all and need to work on my taxes.

Toured the house today: floors all done now, including the garage's special coating. We talk more and more about the closing, moving in, etc. Much of outside work won't be done, due to weather restrictions, but big French tile/drain already put in along back line of property, so drainage permanently fixed now, which is a big relief given the huge rains recently. Closet people and appliances coming soon.

Will try to work some tonight, but I have my doubts. Looks like the Olympics for me.

[posted for Tom by Sean]

February 19, 2006

The fixation on who's up and who's down isn't helpful

I guess i was surprised to see this from Fukuyama ("After Neoconservatism," New York Times Magazine, 19 February 2006).

It seems like he's gotten more defensive on the whole "end of history" thing as he's gotten older, so he seems more fixated on these camp arguments that I think, over the course of time, will be considered rather overblown.

In the end, Bush is Bush just like Reagan was Reagan. W sees the world in rather stark terms of good and evil, and he believes in defending the good and attacking the evil. Dressing it all up with Leo Strauss and neocons and Paul Wolfowitz secretly running more of the universe than is normal for a DEPSECDEF is all cool, in that DC-who's-up-and-who's-down sort of way, but it's not actually very descriptive or particularly helpful to our understanding of where we've been or where we going.

9/11 gave us a strong sense of where we are in history right now, along with where globalization is right now as well as Islam adapting itself to its encroaching embrace of its predominantly traditional culures. Bush acted on that realization and forged a host of new rule sets that will not go away. Some want to chalk that all up to "neocons," but I honestly think it's a whole lot deeper than that.

So Bush got us in deep in the Middle East on the basis of his view on how to respond to 9/11, and we're somewhat stuck right now with what's already on our plate. So don't expect any major military i